Donald Trump
How the Women's March Has United
Progressives of All Stripes
Charlotte Alter
Jan 20, 2017
The idea started with women on Facebook. On
the night of Donald Trumpfs surprise victory in November, a grandmother in
Hawaii named Teresa Shook went online and called for women to storm the capital
on Inauguration weekend.
gAt the same time, 5,000 miles away, I was
doing the same thing,h explains Bob Bland, a female manufacturing entrepreneur
in New York City. gWithin an hour wefd found each other, merged our events, and
we were off to the races.h By the next morning, thousands of people from across
the U.S. had signed up to join what could become the Womenfs March on
Washington.
Bland quickly realized that in order to
transform the march from an angry Facebook group into a progressive coalition,
shefd need help. She enlisted veteran organizers Tamika Mallory, Carmen Perez
and Linda Sarsour as national co-chairs with the aim
of wrangling one of the largest Inauguration demonstrations in -history—and
making it one that brought together activists of all stripes.
gIn the past, progressive groups have been working sort of in isolation,h says Mallory, a New York City—based civil rights and anti-gun—violence advocate. gPeople didnft really have the time and bandwidth to understand other folksf issues.h
By the week before the Inauguration, more
than 600 marches nationwide and around the world had been planned in
solidarity. And while the Womenfs March drew support from likely allies such as
Planned Parenthood, NARAL Pro-Choice America and the Global Fund for Women,
hundreds of other organizations have also signed on as partners, like the
Natural Resources Defense Council, the NAACP, the
environmental advocacy group 350.org, the health-care--worker union 1199SEIU
and the Council on American-Islamic Relations, among others.
Leaders of these progressive groups agree that in a Trump-run America, the future of their movements will hinge on the idea that these groups can and will throw their weight behind causes that may not be their own.
gPeople are expecting
us to show up at a march and talk about our bodies and our reproductive
rights,h says co-chair Sarsour, executive director of
the Arab American Association of New York. Instead, she says, gwefre bringing
together all the progressive movements.h
The march is the first major effort by the progressive movement to get back onto its feet after having lost control of any branch of government. For many of its leaders, the road to reclaiming Congress and the White House will be filled with demonstrations far beyond Inaugural weekend. Civic involvement, Barack Obama argued in his final speech in office, is gwhat our democracy demands.h
But the barriers to success are high. A
grassroots upswell on the right energized the
Republican Party during the Obama years, and eventually toppled some of the
partyfs leaders. Itfs yet to be seen if progressives will unite the same way.
At the same time, the leaders of the march were quick to insist that it was not conceived only as an anti-Trump protest, even though flooding the capital with protesters on the day after the Inauguration was sure to send that message. Instead, they say, it was meant to be a public declaration of a new coalition, united to protect the rights of women, minorities and anybody else who feels they will be made vulnerable by the policies and politics of a Trump presidency.
As the activist and pundit Van Jones puts it, gTrump is the best organizer of progressives that wefve ever seen.h
Of course, no one knows what this coalition
looks like moving forward. These groups have historically had vastly different
agendas, used different tactics and havenft even always gotten along, and it
remains to be seen if they'll work together after the historic march, and if
they do, what that would even look like. Internal conflicts over race and class
may plague the new progressive movement just as much as theyfve hobbled the
Democratic Party. gThose linked arms are going to have some sharp elbows,h
Jones says.
Indeed, the test for the anti-Trump
movement will be whether these historically distinct groups of progressives
will continue to cooperate over time. gJust because you have a rushing river of
energy and interest doesnft mean you can turn it into a hydro-electric dam to build
real power,h says Jones.
For now at least, therefs a consensus among
progressives that any response to Trump must present a unified front. gEvery
single aspect of this is being worked on with a much broader set of allies than
wefve worked with in the past,h says May Boeve,
executive director of the environmental group 350.org. g[Trumpfs] politics are
about division, so our best tool to confront it is unity.h
Some leaders say thatfs needed now more
than ever—that the progressive coalition that gathered behind Barack Obama was
more illusion than real cooperation. gThere was an assumption that you had an
extraordinary movement when in fact you had an extraordinary candidate,h says
NAACP president Cornell William Brooks. gWe did not inaugurate the progressive
movement.h
The risks to unity are as numerous as the
crannies of federal politics. Trump or Hill Republicans might offer one group
just enough on a favorite issue to win a measure of judicious silence. Four years
is a long time to hang together.
Some solidarity also arrived from outliers
on the right. Evan McMullin, the conservative
third-party candidate who challenged Trump, was ambivalent about the march but
was encouraged by the idea that constitutional conservatives could have more in
common with liberals than ever before. gPeople on the right and the left want
to defend the Constitution,h he says.
John Elwood, an evangelical Christian who
co-founded the Christian environmental group Climate Care-takers, says hefs
devoted to the gsanctity of lifeh in its fullest interpretations but will march
alongside abortion--rights activists anyway to bring attention to other -issues—-especially
climate change.
gIfll focus on the areas that I have in
common with the marginalized community,h he says, gnot on the distinctions that
would separate us.h
Some organizers also plan to co-opt 2010
Tea Party tactics to sway politics on the state and local levels, staging
sit-ins and phone blitzes, and causing a ruckus at as many public events as
they can. gThis is one of the silver linings in a very dark cloud,h says Ezra
Levin, a former congressional aide and co-founder of the Indivisible Guide, an
instruction manual on how to use Tea Party tactics to disrupt a Republican--controlled
Congress. The manual has been viewed more than 4 million times since the
election.
gThere is this huge amount of energy that
is out there to resist Trump,h says Levin. gAnd itfs being led by these local
leaders.h
Therefs no guarantee—there never is with
activism—that the progressive coalition will have a lasting effect on Trumpfs
plans. But with Republicans in control of the House and Senate, some group
leaders are hoping to make an impact, even if theyfre not expecting a whole lot
more just yet. But veteran activists see hope in a progressive movement that
has more people and energy than what they saw in the 1960s or 1970s. gThis is
unprecedented in my life,h says Gloria Steinem, a leader of the original
womenfs-lib movement and one of the marchfs honorary co-chairs.
And so the masses will take to the streets. Only they know how long theyfll stay.