How the Women's March Has United Progressives of All Stripes
Jan 20, 2017
The idea started with women on Facebook. On the night of Donald Trumpfs surprise victory in November, a grandmother in Hawaii named Teresa Shook went online and called for women to storm the capital on Inauguration weekend.
gAt the same time, 5,000 miles away, I was doing the same thing,h explains Bob Bland, a female manufacturing entrepreneur in New York City. gWithin an hour wefd found each other, merged our events, and we were off to the races.h By the next morning, thousands of people from across the U.S. had signed up to join what could become the Womenfs March on Washington.
Bland quickly realized that in order to transform the march from an angry Facebook group into a progressive coalition, shefd need help. She enlisted veteran organizers Tamika Mallory, Carmen Perez and Linda Sarsour as national co-chairs with the aim of wrangling one of the largest Inauguration demonstrations in -history—and making it one that brought together activists of all stripes.
gIn the past, progressive groups have been working sort of in isolation,h says Mallory, a New York City—based civil rights and anti-gun—violence advocate. gPeople didnft really have the time and bandwidth to understand other folksf issues.h
By the week before the Inauguration, more than 600 marches nationwide and around the world had been planned in solidarity. And while the Womenfs March drew support from likely allies such as Planned Parenthood, NARAL Pro-Choice America and the Global Fund for Women, hundreds of other organizations have also signed on as partners, like the Natural Resources Defense Council, the NAACP, the environmental advocacy group 350.org, the health-care--worker union 1199SEIU and the Council on American-Islamic Relations, among others.
Leaders of these progressive groups agree that in a Trump-run America, the future of their movements will hinge on the idea that these groups can and will throw their weight behind causes that may not be their own.
gPeople are expecting us to show up at a march and talk about our bodies and our reproductive rights,h says co-chair Sarsour, executive director of the Arab American Association of New York. Instead, she says, gwefre bringing together all the progressive movements.h
The march is the first major effort by the progressive movement to get back onto its feet after having lost control of any branch of government. For many of its leaders, the road to reclaiming Congress and the White House will be filled with demonstrations far beyond Inaugural weekend. Civic involvement, Barack Obama argued in his final speech in office, is gwhat our democracy demands.h
But the barriers to success are high. A grassroots upswell on the right energized the Republican Party during the Obama years, and eventually toppled some of the partyfs leaders. Itfs yet to be seen if progressives will unite the same way.
At the same time, the leaders of the march were quick to insist that it was not conceived only as an anti-Trump protest, even though flooding the capital with protesters on the day after the Inauguration was sure to send that message. Instead, they say, it was meant to be a public declaration of a new coalition, united to protect the rights of women, minorities and anybody else who feels they will be made vulnerable by the policies and politics of a Trump presidency.
As the activist and pundit Van Jones puts it, gTrump is the best organizer of progressives that wefve ever seen.h
Of course, no one knows what this coalition looks like moving forward. These groups have historically had vastly different agendas, used different tactics and havenft even always gotten along, and it remains to be seen if they'll work together after the historic march, and if they do, what that would even look like. Internal conflicts over race and class may plague the new progressive movement just as much as theyfve hobbled the Democratic Party. gThose linked arms are going to have some sharp elbows,h Jones says.
Indeed, the test for the anti-Trump movement will be whether these historically distinct groups of progressives will continue to cooperate over time. gJust because you have a rushing river of energy and interest doesnft mean you can turn it into a hydro-electric dam to build real power,h says Jones.
For now at least, therefs a consensus among progressives that any response to Trump must present a unified front. gEvery single aspect of this is being worked on with a much broader set of allies than wefve worked with in the past,h says May Boeve, executive director of the environmental group 350.org. g[Trumpfs] politics are about division, so our best tool to confront it is unity.h
Some leaders say thatfs needed now more than ever—that the progressive coalition that gathered behind Barack Obama was more illusion than real cooperation. gThere was an assumption that you had an extraordinary movement when in fact you had an extraordinary candidate,h says NAACP president Cornell William Brooks. gWe did not inaugurate the progressive movement.h
The risks to unity are as numerous as the crannies of federal politics. Trump or Hill Republicans might offer one group just enough on a favorite issue to win a measure of judicious silence. Four years is a long time to hang together.
Some solidarity also arrived from outliers on the right. Evan McMullin, the conservative third-party candidate who challenged Trump, was ambivalent about the march but was encouraged by the idea that constitutional conservatives could have more in common with liberals than ever before. gPeople on the right and the left want to defend the Constitution,h he says.
John Elwood, an evangelical Christian who co-founded the Christian environmental group Climate Care-takers, says hefs devoted to the gsanctity of lifeh in its fullest interpretations but will march alongside abortion--rights activists anyway to bring attention to other -issues—-especially climate change.
gIfll focus on the areas that I have in common with the marginalized community,h he says, gnot on the distinctions that would separate us.h
Some organizers also plan to co-opt 2010 Tea Party tactics to sway politics on the state and local levels, staging sit-ins and phone blitzes, and causing a ruckus at as many public events as they can. gThis is one of the silver linings in a very dark cloud,h says Ezra Levin, a former congressional aide and co-founder of the Indivisible Guide, an instruction manual on how to use Tea Party tactics to disrupt a Republican--controlled Congress. The manual has been viewed more than 4 million times since the election.
gThere is this huge amount of energy that is out there to resist Trump,h says Levin. gAnd itfs being led by these local leaders.h
Therefs no guarantee—there never is with activism—that the progressive coalition will have a lasting effect on Trumpfs plans. But with Republicans in control of the House and Senate, some group leaders are hoping to make an impact, even if theyfre not expecting a whole lot more just yet. But veteran activists see hope in a progressive movement that has more people and energy than what they saw in the 1960s or 1970s. gThis is unprecedented in my life,h says Gloria Steinem, a leader of the original womenfs-lib movement and one of the marchfs honorary co-chairs.
And so the masses will take to the streets. Only they know how long theyfll stay.